II.
Grímnismál 28/4-6
Vína heitir ein,
önnur Vegsvinn,
þriðja Þjóðnuma,
Vína Grm 28: Vin á R; Vina A.
SnE I 25: vina U; r; vína W; vina T.
SnE II 89 (479-84): vina, vina A; vina, vina r; vína, vína B; C;
vina, uma T.
Gering and Sijmons (p. 198) have interpreted this name, according to the
form in R, as 'wine stream' (cf., ON vín n. 'wine' and ON a f. 'river,
stream'). However, the form 'Vin a' in R is unique and probably due to a
misunderstanding of the text on the part of the manuscript copyist. Most
other scholars (e.g., Jónsson, 1900, p. 40, and Wilken, p. 275) have
identified the mythological river with the Russian Dvina. Due to the
lack of a better explanation, I tend to agree with these latter authors.
Furthermore, the ON form of the Dvina River is Vína. Vína may be
connected to the name Vín.
Vegsvinn Grm 28: vegsvinn R; væglsvin A.
SnE l25: veglvn U; vog. svinn r; ueg. suínn W; vog. suinn T.
SnE II 89 (479-84): vægsvinn A; vegsvinn r; vegs ... B;
vegsuinn C; T.
The first element is the stem form of ON vegr m. 'way.' The final
element seems to be a nominalization of the feminine singular of the ON
adjective svinnr 'swift, quick.' This latter word, or a root related to it, seems
to occur in a number of Norwegian names such as Svindalen (pron. svinn-)
in
Andebu, Vestfold (NE, pp. 258-9), but there is a possibility also that
the first element in some of these is Norwegian svin n., ON svin
n.
'pig.' Furthermore, in several Swedish lake names such as
Svinnaren it is quite likely that a river name * Svinn(a) occurs (see
Hellquist, pp. 596-97). The ON adjective svinnr in the meaning 'quick, rapid,'
however, only occurs in ON in the expression svinn Rín (Atlaqviða 27).
Otherwise the word means 'wise'. Nevertheless, I would connect the
mythological name to the first meaning (not the least because of its use
in conjunction with another river) and thus have Vegsvinn mean something
like 'the one which flows rapidly in its course,' rather than 'the one
which knows how to, or is wise in, finding its way' as some other
scholars have suggested (e.g., Jónsson, 1900, p. 234).
Þjóðnuma Grm 28: þiodnvma R; þioðnvma A.
SnE l25: þioðnvma U; þioðnuma r; þioðnuma W; þiodnuma T.
SnE II 89 (479-84): þioðnvma A; r; þíodnuma B; þiodnuma C; T.
The final element, in spite of Magnus Olsen's doubts (1964, p. 25),
seems to be related to Norwegian dialect nome, ON *numi m. 'a little
lake right beside a river, with the water level of which it rises and
falls; water container' listed by Ross (p. 548). O. Rygh (NE, pp.
170-71) connects the names listed under the root naum- to Ross' word as
does Amund B. Larsen for the farm name Nomeland (NO, VIII, p. 222) and
A. Kjær for Nome (NO, IX, p. 111). The first element would then probably
be ON þjóð f., in compounds meaning 'great, powerful.' Accordingly,
þjóðnuma could mean something like 'the one which contains a great deal
of water.' Other scholars (e.g., Wilken, p. 276, and Gering, p. 198)
have related the final element to the ON verb nema 'to take by force'
with the meaning then something like 'the one which devours people.' If
the final element has this latter connotation, then the meaning 'the one
which takes with great force' could apply to a river which floods with
disastrous consequences. Cf., for example, Bægisá in Oxnadals-hreppur,
Eyjafjarðarsýsla, Iceland, from Icelandic bægja 'to remove, drive off,'
which regularly floods its banks.
III.
Grm 29
Nyt ok Nöt,
Nönn ok Hrönn,
Slíð ok Hrið,
Sylgr ok Ylgr,
Við ok Ván,
Vend ok Strönd,
Gjöll ok Leiptr,
fall a gumnum nær
en falla til Heljar heðan.
Hrið, Sylgr, Ylgr, Við and Leiptr, in that order, flow from the well
Hvergelmir according to SnE 14. Also there it is stated that Gjöll is
next to the
gates of Hel. Furthermore, according to SnE 125, Nyt, Nöt, Nönn and
Hrönn, in that order (Nöt appears before Nyt [written 'reyt' in U], flow
from Hvergelmir as well. All, except Nönn and Slíð, are mentioned (some
of them twice) in the nafnaþulur but in a different order from that in
Grm 29
and mixed in with other river names. According to SnE I 34, Hermóðr rode
nine nights to Gjallar on his way to fetch Baldr from Hel. Here it is
implied that all must cross the gilded bridge over Gjöll in order to
reach Hel, and that Hel itself is situated down and north from this
place. Ván in SnE 121 is mentioned as coming from the slather of the
bound Fenris Wolf. In Helgakviða Hundingsbana II 31, reference is made
to Leiptr as being a river on which oaths are sworn.
Nyt Grm 29: nýt R; nyt A.
SnE I 25: reyt (!) U; nyt r: W; T.
SnE II 89 (479-84): Nyt A; r; N51 B; Nýt C; nit T.
As Nyt stands together with Nöt which has a short vowel, it, too,
probably has one in spite of the form with acute accent in R which
undoubtedly
denotes stress (cf. Lindblad, pp. 101ff. and 144ff.). Finnur Jónsson
(1900, p. 229) connects the name to ON nyt f. 'use, enjoyment, produce,'
probably meaning 'the one which is rich in fish.' Ivar Lundahl, who
concurs with Jónsson, lists two Swedish river names Gagnån and
Nytteström, the former formed from Old Swedish gaghn 'use, profit,' and
the latter from an Old Swedish adjective *nyter 'useful,' ON *nytr,
which are in ablaut connection to Old Swedish nyter, ON nýtr, with the
same meaning. It is quite likely that this is the case with Nyt, and
these two Swedish examples would support Jónsson's interpretation. See
also Nøste in Hedemark, Norway, written 'Nytle' in Diplomatarium
Norvegicum, IV, 338, 1363 and probably derived from the same root (NG,
III, p. 162), Nøtterøy from an island name Njót (NG, VI, p. 233), and,
with a similar meaning, gefn in river names (NE, p. 68). An opposite
semantic and etymological parallel is the river called Faanetta from the
adjective fánýtr 'of little use' (NE, p. 44). However, nyt f. in ON also
means 'milk,' and it could, though this is considerably less likely,
refer to the color of the water in the river. Cf. Mjólkurá in Iceland
and names such as Mjølkeelven and Mjølkeraaen in Norway (NE, p. 161).
Nöt Grm 29: navt R; nöt A.
SnE I 25: navtt U; navt r; (navt) W; naut T.
SnE II 89: (479-84): nöt A; navt r; (nó)t B; nlaut C; naut T.
Gering and Sijmons (p. 199) interpret the name as 'the stinging or
burning one' and refer to the spear heiti Nöt in one of the þulur in SnE
(cf. also
Jóhannessen, p. 691). Jan de Vries (p. 415), on the other hand, connects
it to AS nat, Old High German naz 'wet,' Gothic ganatjan 'to wet,'
Sanskrit nadi 'river,' and the Low German river name Nette. Hjalmar Falk
(NG, V, pp. 218-19) gives Nöt the same interpretation in discussing the
Norwegian farm
name Natvet and Hellquist (p. 426) in discussing the Swedish lake name
Naten. Hellquist, furthermore, lists the semantic parallels Vättern and
Vátsjon. I find this is the most likely explanation, and that the
mythological name is thus probably a derivation of the Germanic root
*nat.
Nönn Grm 29: navnn R; nönn A.
SnE I 25: navnn U; r; W; naunn T.
Sophus Bugge (NE, p. 327) posits ON *Nonn for the name written
"Nanna-raanæ" (acc.) in Biskop Eysteins Jordebog, 207, near Nanset in
Hedrum,
Norway. He connects it to the Germanic adjectival stem "nanþa- 'bold,
go-ahead' which occurs in Germanic personal names, and to which stem the
ON
verb nenna 'to strive' also belongs (cf. also Gering, p. 199). This is
undoubtedly the same word from which the name of the mythological river
is derived. Finnur Jónsson (1900, p. 229) has explained Nönn as 'the
quickly flowing one.'
Hrönn Grm 29: hravnn R; hrönn A.
SnE I 25: hravnn U; r; hronn W; hraunn T.
SnE II 89 (479-84): hronn, hronn, A; hravnn, hravnn r; hronn,
hronn B; hraunn, hraunn C; h(l)aunn, hraunn, T.
ON hronn f. 'wave.' Semantic parallels are Gira, connected to Norwegian
dialect gir m. 'current in the water' and Unna, related to ON
unnr f.
'wave'
(NE, pp. 72, 286), both referring to rivers with rough or wavy water
which the Eddic name also seems to denote.
Slið Grm 29: sliþ R; slið A
The name must be a derivative of ON sliðr 'fearful.' If this is correct
then the Norwegian river called Otta (cf. ON ótti m. 'fright'):" would
be a semantic parallel to it. One is tempted to identify it as the same
river as Sliðr, mentioned in Voluspá 36, SnE 14 and in the nafnaþulur.
If the two names contain the same root as the ON adjective above, then
Sliðr would be a derivation in -r and Slið a stem form without the
radical -r (note Mod. Norw. slid 'greedy').
Hríð Grm 29: hriþ R; hrið A.
SnE 14: hriþr U; hriþ r; hrið W; hrid T.
SnE II 89 (479-84) hrið A; hrið r; (hr)id B; hrid C; T.
This is undoubtedly ON hríð f. 'tempest, storm.' Semantic parallels
found among Norwegian river names are Fjuka, related to ON fjuk n. 'snow
storm,' Frysja, to the Norwegian dialect verb frusa 'to spout, spray,'
Bøyse, to Norwegian dialect bøysa 'to rush forth' (Hovda, 1966, pp. 30,
35, 43) and
Strangen, to the ON adjective strangr 'powerful, rapid' (NE, p. 248).
Cleasby and Vigfusson (p. 780) identify Hrið with the English river
Reed, but this is unlikely.
Sylgr Grm 29: sylgr R; A.
SnE 14: Sylgr U; r; W; T.
SnE II 89 (479-84): sylgr A; r; sylgr B; C sylgir T.
Sylgr is undoubtedly a feminine derivation in *-iR of the preterite
stage sulg- of the' ON verb svelgja 'to swallow.' Etymologically
parallel is the Norwegian river name in solg- (NE, p. 239), Svelga
(Hovda, 1966, p. 108) and the Icelandic Svelgsá (Jónsson, 1914, p. 22),
all connected to the same verb. See also the semantically parallel Glupa
(Hovda, 1966, p. 50), related to Norwegian glupe 'to bolt' (food), which
flows past and down into a steep
and rather long canyon. The Eddic name could signify a similar type of
river.
Ylgr Grm 29: ylgr R; -ylgr A.
SnE 14: ylgr U; r; W; T.
SnE II 89 (479-84): ylgr A; r; (y)lgr B; ylgr C; T.
ON ylgr f. 'she-wolf.' O. Rygh (NE, p. 302) connects the Norwegian river
name Ylja to the same word, but G. Indrebe refutes this idea and states
that it is certainly derived from ON ylr 'warmth. However, there are a
number of semantic parallels to this interpretation of Ylgr in river
names such as the Norwegian Ulva and Ulvaaen (NE, p. 285) and in the
Swedish lake called Ulven (Hellquist, pp. 671-73), all derived from ON
ulfr m. 'wolf.' Cf. also the river names connected to ON
birna f.
'she-bear' and ON björn m. 'bear' (NE, pp. 13, 18). Another possibility
is that Ylgr is related to Modern Icelandic ylgja f. and olga
f. 'sea
swell' and ON sjávarolga with the same meaning (cf. þyn above).
Víð Grm 29: viþ R; við A.
SnE II 89 (479-84): ið A; við- r; víd C; pid (!) T.
This name is already mentioned in Grm 27 (see there for its
interpretation). Whether or not the same river is meant here is
difficult to determine with certainty. Hjalmar Falk. among others,
believes that Við here is a mistake for Víl. He points out that this
latter name occurs in several places in SnE, especially in a passage
entitled "fra Fenris ulfi" in A, leaf 15v, where it and Ván are both
mentioned as flowing from the slather of the bound Fenris Wolf.
Furthermore, he says that Víl and Ván fit well together semantically,
meaning 'despair' and 'hope' respectively. I find this idea unlikely as
Víð might have been repeated here in order to go together with Ván, and
Víð is also mentioned twice in the nafnaþulur.
Ván Grm 29: ván R;-vað (!) A.
SnE 121: vam U; von r; W; T.
SnE II 89 (479-84): van A; von r; von B; vaunn C; von T.
frá Fenris ulfi: van A.
Undoubtedly this is ON váin f. 'hope,' but probably in the context 'hope
for something good' such as fishing. See Norwegian dialect von 'a place
where
one expects to find something, such as a fishing place or a hunting
grounds' and Swedish dialect von f. 'instrument, trap in which one
catches animals or fish.' Cf. also the river name Vonbækken (NE, p.
300), which is interpreted as possibly being compounded with Norwegian
dialect von, and the farm name Ona. According to Joran Sahlgren,
however, Ván is possibly an old 'noa-' name with the meaning 'hope, good
prospects' and called after a large, well-known river in the Norway of
the pre-Christian period; This he identifies as Götaälv. Ván would thus
be the old name for this river which is still found in the lake name
Vänern. The name also seems to occur in a couple of skaldic kennings,
for example, fránskíðs af mér Vánar (Plácitúsdrápa 9/4) and Vánar dags á
Spáni (Útfarardrápa 2/2).
Vönd Grm 29: vavnd R; vönd A.
SnE II 89 (479-84): vind - (!) A; vond r; vínn(!) B; vond C; T
The name is most likely a nominalization of the feminine singular of the
ON adjective vandr 'difficult.' Cf., for example, the Norwegian river
Meina (NE, p. 157), probably derived from the ON verb meina 'to harm,
hinder.' Another possibility is that it is related to ON vöndr m. 'wand,
switch.' Cf., for example, the river names with the stem gand- (NE, p.
63), the district name Gand and the lake called Gjende (Indrebe, 1924,
p. 71), all related perhaps to Norwegian dialect gand m. 'thin stick,'
as well as the river names with the stem stav- (NE, p. 245) to ON
stafr 'stick, stave' and probably referring to rivers which flow in a straight
course for a considerable stretch. A similar meaning may be possible
here.
Strönd Grm 29: stravnd R; strönd A.
SnE II 89 (479-84): strind, strond A; strond, strond r; -strinnd,
strónnd B; strond, straund C; stroud, strónd T.
Formally the name is identical to ON strónd f. 'strand, coast, shore,'
but it is difficult to interpret semantically. Perhaps it might refer to
a river which floods during part of the year, forming shores or banks.
Jóhannessen (p. 881) relates the word strönd to the IE root *ster- 'to
spread,' and if this is the case, a meaning for the Eddic name such as
the one I have posited here might not be too far-fetched.
Gjöll Grm 29: giavll R; giöll A.
SnE 14: Gioll U; r; Giöll W; giøll T.
SnE 134: til giallar ár U; til (á) rinnar giallar r; til arennar
giallar W; til arinnar giallar ár T.
SnE II 89 (479-84): Giöll A; Gjall r; .. ió(l) B; Mjoll C; Gioll T.
Probably either ON gjöll f. 'din, alarm' or a nominalization of the
feminine singular of the ON adjective gjallr 'ringing,' used only,
however, poetically. O. Rygh (NE, p. 70) mentions three places,
Gjellestad, Gjellebæk and Gjeldal, the names of which are probably
formed from the same root used as a river name. Also a river Gjold seems
to be the base for several names in Denmark (Sorensen, pp. 229-30).
Leiptr Grm 29: leiptr R; læiptr A.
SnE 14: -leiptr U; leiptr r; leiptur T.
SnE II 89 (479-84): læiptr A; leifstr r; læift(r) B; leiptr C; leiptr T.
Helgakviða Hundingsbana II: leiptrar vatni R.
This is undoubtedly ON leiptr f. 'lightning.' Gering and Sijmons (p.
199) suggest that it might be so called because of its movement or
shine. As regards the latter possibility see the Norwegian river names
Lysa and Skinaaen (NE, pp. 150-51, 216).
At first glance it might appear that a number of these names are made up
in order to fit into the rhyme scheme of the half line (e.g., Strönd).
However, a few look as though they refer to real rivers, though outside
of Scandinavia (e.g., Rín and Vína). Most of the rest seem to be Nordic,
and many of these exhibit very old types of name formation. Some could
be names of actual Scandinavian rivers (e.g., Göpul) , while others may
have once existed but are now to be found only in compound names (e.g.,
Nöt). Of these Scandinavian names the greater part point to Norway as
can be seen by the number of them that have etymological parallels in
that country, and where these are lacking, most of the rest have clear
semantic parallels there.
As Grm is a didactic poem, ostensibly giving the reader or listener
mythological knowledge, such as the names of the halls of the gods or of
the heiti of Óðinn, set in the framework of the story of Geirröðr and
Agnarr, it has tended to accrete to itself bits of lore or information
from other sources which have thus been interpolated into the poem. The
section on the river names, as has been mentioned, is doubtlessly, in
whole or in part, one of these later interpolations. For example, the
meter here is faulty, and only a few lines can be glued together to form
reasonably good ljóðaháttr stanzas. In all likelihood a number of
different verses or parts of verses have been welded together to form
Grm 27-29.
These verses are certainly akin to the nafnaþulur in SnE which on the
whole consist of mere lists of names. But I suggest that parallels to
them can be found in more modern types of verse. The following stanza
(þula) from Arneshreppur in Iceland, composed by an unknown author
probably in the 19th century, and appearing in the newspaper
Morgunblaðið of 31 December, 1970, is an example:
Nöfnin sex ég nefni:
Nes og Finnbogastao.
Fjórurn fjorðum stefni
Felli og Melum að.
Læt ég Dranga í ljós,
líka Hlíðarós,
vikur sjö og Veiðileysu,
Vog og Kamb og Kjós,
Gjögur , Bær og eyri.
—Ekki man ég fleiri.
This was obviously written, as were probably portions of Grm, as an aid
to the remembering of a certain group of names, in this case place names
of a
particular district in Iceland, though in no particular geographical
order.
Grm 27-29 is also strongly reminiscent of certain verses which exist
both in Norwegian and Icelandic sources. These are the so-called
deildevers, or verse
composed in order to help one remember the boundaries of a territory or
farm, and médvers which give directions to the finding of good fishing
grounds by using landmarks. Both list place names in their descriptions.
…It seems to me quite possible that the author(s) of these verses in Grm
had a number of such similar types of verse in mind, or in fact may have
used lines from such categories, when composing them. Later the compiler
of Grm in its present form took these stanzas, or fragments of them, and
put them together to form the section under discussion. Furthermore, as
can be seen from the discussion of each individual name, it is possible,
that all of these names have been those of actual river in the real
world and in particular in Scandinavia or Norway, due to the many
etymological and semantic parallels to them. if this is so, then at
least some, or the entire body, of these river names could belong
together in definite, limited groups, in a geographical context, and
refer, for example, to boundaries of some sort, definite routes along
which one may travel from one place to another in the real world, or
simply be listings of names within certain regions.
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