this in context of Grimnismal 29, 30 which inform us that the gods ride their horses across Bifrost hvern dag (every day) to sit in dæma (judgement) by Urd’s well daily. The location of Urd’s well is not specified, except to say that it is on the opposite end of the place from which the gods begin their journey “every day”. Thus, their home  (Asgard) is presumably on one end of the bridge and Urd’s well is on the other. Snorri says Urd’s well is “in the heaven”.
 
If we accept Snorri’s statement that Glitnir is located at Urd’s well, along with Alfheim, Breidablik and Himinbjorg, then the gods ride from their homes (in Asgard) “every day” to Urd’s well (in heaven), EXCEPT FOR  Forseti Frey, Balder, and Heimdall, who already have their homes there? How many of you would accept that?
 
Is this then what the ancient heathens believed, or could it in fact be Snorri’s interpretation of it, based on his understanding as a Christian living in a Christian society converted over 200 years before? In other words, who is more reliable/ Snorri or an actual heathen poet, as expressed in an anonymous, but traditional, Eddic poem, such as Grimnismal? And can Snorri’s interpretations of verses, and his retellings, always be used to explain obscure passages in the eddic poems— especially the mythological poems of the Poetic Edda—or were some of them just as obscure to him and he sought to explain them? This can be answered with various degrees of certainty throughout of the Prose Edda (and opinions vary among scholars).
 
I would simply note that Grimnismal 30 names the horses that the gods ride across Bifrost daily, to come to Urd’s well. One of them is Gulltop. And, Gulltop is one of the few horses whose owner we can identify.
 
Ulf Uggason’s poem Husdrapa, quoted by Snorri in Skaldskaparmal, informs us that Heimdall’s horse is Gulltop. So Heimdall would be one of the gods riding across Bifrost (from his home in Asgard) to arrive at Urd’s well. Thus, Himinbjorg cannot be in heaven, near Urd’s well. Why else would Heimdall on Gulltop ride “daily” to Urd’s well over Bifrost, if he did not live on its opposite end?

FORSETE (FOSITE)
 
Forsete is usually connected with Baldr, who, according to Gylfaginning, Chapter 32, is his father. He inhabits the resplendent heavenly hall Glitnir, "where he allays every strife." Aside from this, and a few names of places in Norway, little mention is made of him in the Scandinavian North. He is a Frisian god, who has his seat on Helgoland. He probably came to the North during the Viking period and was there connected with Baldr, to whom he otherwise bears little resemblance. The name Fosite may be an epitheton, possibly of Wodan or of Tiu (the Mars Thingsus of the Frisian cuneus in England has been compared with him), less likely of Donar.
The accounts furnished by the Vitie of the missionaries concerning the land of Fosite have already been touched upon. On this inhospitable island, where the tempest so frequently cast the shipwrecked mariner, were the sacred well, the cattle, and the temples of the god. Whosoever profaned these was offered up by the king as a sacrifice to the god. Helgoland, just as Seeland, was probably the centre of an amphictyony. From this latter, and from the line cited above from Grimnismal, we may infer that Fosite was among the Frisians regarded as the god of justice. 
Characteristically heathen traits are better represented among the Frisians and Saxons than among the peoples that we have hitherto considered. The Frisians occupied a strip of land, not extending far into the interior, along the coast of the North Sea, from Flanders (Sinkfal, near Bruges) up to Sleswick. The history of their conversion (677-785) we know from contemporaneous Frankish, but not from native sources. It embraces several periods, intimately connected with their struggles against the Franks, which broke forth ever anew. The missionaries who preached among them were mostly Anglo-Saxons: Wilfrid, Willehad, Willebrord, Winfrid (Boniface). Liudger alone was of Frisian origin. The Frankish kings did everything within their power to further the spread of Christianity among them. As early as 622 Dagobert, of Austrasia, had founded a chapel in Utrecht and had given orders to baptize and evangelize the Frisians, but with little success. Wilfrid, who had accidentally stranded on the Frisian coast, was received kindly by king Aldgild. Redbad I, on the contrary, showed an inveterate hatred towards Christianity. As often as the Frankish yoke was shaken off, persecution of the Christians followed.
This marked hostility against Christianity is by no means to be attributed solely to national pride or political fears. The Frisians were attached to their heathen religion, which was at the time still in a flourishing state. We read of sacred groves, of springs, of temples in which treasures were stored. On Helgoland there were several temples. The great god Fosite was worshipped there; water from the holy spring might be drawn only in silence, and the cattle grazing round about it were not allowed to be touched. As late as the eleventh century we hear that the island was regarded as sacred by Norse seafarers. Even after their conversion some observances derived from paganism were still retained in Frisian law. In the century that marks the period of struggle between the old and new religion, known to us chiefly from the lives of the missionaries, the Frisians long remained faithful to their ancient religious usages. When Willebrord, on his return from his fruitless mission among the Danes, landed on Helgoland he defied the wrath of Fosite by baptizing several Frisians with water from the sacred spring. He is brought into the presence of the king as one under sentence of death, but Redbad does not deviate from the custom according to which the lot was to decide concerning the life or death of the prisoner, and when this is found favorable to the Christian the king sets him free. Subsequently Liudger succeeds in accomplishing on the island sacred to Fosite what his predecessor had failed in; he replaces the heathen temples with Christian churches. Liudger's mother was Liafborg, and of her we are told that, in accordance with the wishes of a wicked grandmother, she was to have been put to death immediately after birth, but the compassionate wife of a neighbor saved the child's life by placing a little honey upon its lips, it being considered obligatory that a child which had already partaken of some food should be brought up. The material at our command is extremely meagre, but from such accounts it appears that life was to a large extent bound up in religious observances and duties. Everywhere the gods play an essential part in the lives of these Frisian heathen. Chief among them are Wodan, his sons Thuner and Tiu, and his spouse Fria, all of whom we know only from their use as names of days of the week. Concerning Fosite alone are we more fully informed, but perhaps this too is only another name under which the chief of all gods, Wodan, was worshipped. That the service of these gods was by no means dead is proved by the fanaticism which could be evoked among its followers, — a fanaticism to which Boniface fell a victim on the 5th of June, 755, near Dokkum.
The Saxons showed themselves no less hostile toward the new religion. The first who, towards the end of the seventh century, preached the gospel among them, the "white" and the "black" Ewald fell as martyrs. Not long after Suidbert, numerous heathen customs, and the synods, especially those held at Orleans, had to inveigh against sacrificatory feasts, conjurations, worship of trees, springs, rocks, and various kinds of commingling of paganism with Christianity, yet the organization of the church became gradually more firmly established and its influence upon the people more marked. At first this influence was an outward one and did not penetrate very rapidly into the moral nature of the people. Chlodowech, after his conversion, was still the same faithless man, who did not shrink from inciting a son to patricide or from slaying kinsmen with his own hand. His successors were even worse. The horrors of the Merovingian royal house have rarely been surpassed in history, and while the morals of the royal family in the present instance probably do not indicate the general standard of morality, that standard was doubtless none too high. But the church could abide its time. Its influence gradually percolated the nation at large, and it was from the kingdom of the Franks that Christianity was disseminated among the German tribes.
The German peoples were Christianized first by Goths and Romans and subsequently by Franks and missionaries from Ireland and England. In the case of some tribes we know little or nothing as to the particular circumstances of their conversion. So the Lombards were converted to Arianism as early as the end of the fifth century. When Alboin came to Italy he was a Christian, but it was not until the days of Pope Gregory I that the union with Rome followed, brought about more especially through the influence of the queen Theudelinde, who was a Bavarian princess of Frankish descent. We notice very little, however, of paganism among this people, although we have already seen that it was by no means poor in historical legends —- embodying as usual mythical elements — that had received poetical treatment.