The Heroic Legends of Denmark
by Axel Olrik
CHAPTER VI
THE ROYAL RESIDENCE AT
LEIRE
1. THE ROYAL RESIDENCE OF THE HEROIC LAYS AND THE TESTIMONY OF
THE MONUMENTS.
To determine
the location of the royal residence of Leire (Old Norse
Hleiftrar;
Middle Danish
Lethrce; Modern Danish
Leire),
linked in the old lore with so many
brilliant rulers, is one of the most difficult problems for
historical investigation. In trying to solve it, it will be of
importance to note how far back in time the mutually
contradictory witnesses go. The heroic lays are agreed on
letting every one of the Danish kings of the Scylding race have
his residence in Leire. In the Quern Song [Gröttosangr] there is mention of
the Hleitirarstóll
(the residence or
throne at Leire), i.e., the dominion of Denmark, as far back as
the peace of Frothi. According to the Biarkamal, Hrolf is
attacked in the Leire castle. According to the lay of Ingiald in
Saxo, the young avenger of his father is called worthy to be the
king of Leire and the ruler of Denmark. In the Bravalla Lay,
the warriors from Leire are the housecarls of Harold Wartooth.
In agreement with this, a skald of the eleventh century
designates King Svein Estrithsson as
atseti Hleiftrar,
i.e., he who has his residence at
Leire.
The same is stated with still more detail in the medieval
accounts. In the little chronicle from the Roskilde district we are
told that the first king, Dan, founded Leire even before the uniting
of the realm; that Ro later adorned it most beautifully, and that
the sepulchral mounds of Dan, Ro, and Halfdan are to be found there
(SRD
i, 223-225). Saxo, on the other hand,
asserts that Hrolf kraki built the town of Leire and adorned it most
beautifully so that as the royal residence it far outshone all the
other capitals of the country. However, he mentions in an earlier
passage, that Hrolf as a little child had been sheltered in Leire
castle from an attack of the enemies. Still further we are told how
the Jutish petty King Amleth sought to avoid the overlordship of the
"Leire King,"; also that Harold Wartooth united all parts of the
realm anew and fixed his residence at Leire where he had also his
sepulchral mound thrown up. In fact, Saxo knows still another king,
Olaf (ninth century), who has given his name to a mound near Leire.*
The Icelandic tradition is in accordance with Saxo: the progenitor
of the race, Skiold, founded the royal castle in Leire, on the
island of Zealand, and "there was the residence also of most of the
succeeding kings "; even the sons of Lothbrok still dwell at Leire.
No other royal residence can in the least compare with
Leire, according to the witness of heroic lays. Jaelling is
mentioned once by Saxo in connection with Offa and Vermund, and
Jselling Heath (Jalangrs heiHr) in the Icelandic story of the Peace
of Frothi. In the lays, it occurs not at all. In a single Icelandic
passage Ringsted (Hringstaftir) is mentioned as the seat of Frothi
the Famous (hinn fragi). Sigersted (Sigarsstaftir) is properly the
residence of the race of Sigar.* But what is that against the long
line of kings in Leire, away back to the remotest antiquity, with
the many events from the time of the Peace of Frothi until Hrolf's
fall, with its royal sepulchres and all the splendor of the "Leire
kings" and the "Leire throne," these strong expressions of the unity
and power of the Danish people? The very oldest written account
agrees entirely with the passages cited. The German historian
Thietmar of Merseburg, writing in the beginning of the eleventh
century, relates as follows about the heathen practices of the
Danes:
"There is a place in those regions which is the capital of
the realm, called Lederun, in that part of the country which is
called Selon where, every ninth year, in the month of January,
somewhat later than our Christian Yuletide, they assemble together
and sacrifice to their gods 99 men and as many horses, dogs, and
cocks or (?) hawks, believing that these will be of service to them
in the realm of the dead and atone for their misdeeds." There can be
no doubt that Selon here represents Zealand (Old Norse Selund) and
that Lederun stands for Leire (Old Norse at Hleiftrum, Old Danish at
*Ledhrum)."
In other
words, all investigations undertaken on the spot lead us to
reject in every respect the conception of the situation of Leire
which is found in the written documents.
Which of the two kinds of sources are
we to believe? The testimony of old songs and legends is of
course not the very best argument when a definite
historictopographic problem is to be settled. But how about
Thietmar's statement concerning the great sacrifices which were
offered up at Leire? Is it permissible to rely on him, and to
declare the arguments of the archaeologists to be without force?
Thietmar has the
air of being well informed, but we shall have to call a good
deal of his description in question. First of all, it is
incorrect for him to mention these sacrifices as taking place in
his own time, for they had not been made for some fifty or sixty
years before his day, and were therefore known only by hearsay.
In the second place, we can see, by comparing his data with
Adam
of Bremen's description of Upsala, that the details are about
right, to be sure, but that the numbers seem
greatly exaggerated. Considering that the entire Swedish people
sacrificed nine men in their great offerings, it sounds
incredible that the Danes should under the same conditions have
sacrificed ninety-nine. Very possibly the entire number of
sacrificial animals reached that size. Most important of all,
however, is the circumstance that the localization of the
sacrifice in Leire is by no means as certain as has been
thought. During recent years, Thietmar's own manuscript of the
Chronicon has been examined, and it has been possible to
understand the entire history of its origin. He began writing it
in 1012, when he probably wrote the greater part of Book I,
including the passage where the heathen practices of the Danes
are mentioned; he then continued, until the whole work was
ready, in 1018. In 1016 he completed the first book, after
having obtained several new sources and made marginal glosses on
what he had written before. The passage about the Danish
sacrifices did not originally contain the name of Leire. It read
only: "There is a place in that region, the capital of the
realm, where they assemble every ninth year, in the month of
January, later than our Christian Yuletide, and sacrifice to
their gods," etc. When going over his work, later, he made a
little addition to the word "capital," adding the words " called
Leire, in the district of Zealand." In the course of the years
intervening he had received information concerning Denmark and
the battles of Canute the Great. It is very likely that he
learned only then that Leire was the
name of the royal Danish residence.
Considering all
this, Thietmar's chronicle cannot claim the authority of
contemporary testimony grounded on
first-hand observation. His information is made up of legendary
traditions worked together by a man who was not gifted with any
special insight into the matter. In other words, his testimony
is of the same kind as all the other traditions or songs about
the renown inseparably connected with the name of Leire during
the Viking Age. And it is the rule that tradition and monuments
offer contradictory evidence in this respect.
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The
Chronicon of Thietmar of Merseburg
Chapter 17:
"Because I have heard strange stories about their ancient
sacrifices, I will not allow the practice to go unmentioned. In
those parts the center of the kingdom is called Lederun (Lejre), in
the region of Selon (Sjælland), all the people gathered every nine
years in January, that is after we have celebrated the birth of the
Lord [Jan 6th], and there they offered to the gods ninety-nine men
and just as many horses, along with dogs and cocks— the later being
used in place of hawks."
Archaeological Plan of the
Two Great Halls at Lejre
2 cm tall figurine found at the site
interpreted as Odin on Hildskjalf
2007 J. D. Niles
(ed.)
Beowulf
and Lejre
On the basis of legendary analogues, specialists in the Old English
poem Beowulf have long inferred that the action of the main part of
that poem is situated at the village of Gammel Lejre on the island
of Zealand, Denmark. Archaeological excavations undertaken from 1986
to 1988 under the direction of Tom Christensen of Roskilde Museum
yielded spectacular confirmation of that inference by uncovering the
remains of two great halls at Lejre dating from ca. AD 680 to 990,
one built on the site of the other. At that time, this discovery had
little impact upon Beowulf scholarship, in part because the chief
monograph reporting on the excavations was available only in Danish.
In 2004–05, however, a new round of excavations revealed that a
still earlier hall had once stood elsewhere at Lejre. This hall has
been dated to the mid-sixth century, very close to the time when the
action of Beowulf is set. The question of the Danish origins of the
Beowulf story is thus now highlighted. The main purpose of this book
is to bring these archaeological discoveries to the attention of a
wider public, with analysis of their significance. The book consists
of five parts:
1. A translation into English of Tom Christensen's 1991 monograph
Lejre—Syn og Sagn (Lejre—Fact and Fable) together with a new
chapter by Christensen on the most recent excavations.
2. A presentation of other important archaeological studies relating
to Lejre, including reports on the Iron Age cremation mound named
Grydehøj, which dates from ca. 630 to 660.
3. Essays by John D. Niles and Marijane Osborn evaluating the
significance of these finds from the perspective of Old English
scholarship, with attention to the complex legendary history of
Lejre.
4. A presentation, in their original texts and in modern English
translation, of the chief medieval Latin and Old Norse documents
that mention Lejre as the seat of power of the early kings of
Denmark.
5. Some impressions of Lejre made by antiquarians, travellers,
poets, and artists who have known that place during the modern
period and have described or evoked it in various ways.
Detail from the Oseberg Tapestry,
showing hanged bodies in a tree.
Found in a Danish peat bog in 1950 where he
had been placed more than 2,000 years ago, 'Tollund Man' died
approximately 400 BC. The acid in the peat, along with the lack of
oxygen preserved the soft tissues of his body. Scientific analysis
has shown that Tollund Man died by hanging rather than
strangulation. The rope left visible furrows in his neck, and
although the cervical vertebrae were undamaged, as they often are in
hanging victims, radiography showed that the tongue was distended—an
indication of death by hanging.
Also Visit
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