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Early Knowledge of Norse Mythology
Norse
mythology, and the poetry and prose which recounted or
alluded to it, was known about in England from the
seventeenth century (see Quinn and Clunies Ross 1994 for
a summary and the unpublished thesis of Bennett 1938 for
detail). The Codex Regius, containing the great majority
of the poems that we now classify as eddic, was sent to
Copenhagen from Iceland by Bishop Brynjólfur Sveinsson
in 1643, and was subsequently catalogued as GKS 2365
4to. In 1665 Peder Hans Resen published an edition of
Völuspá and Hávamál, providing them with a Latin
translation, though he did not make use of the Codex
Regius as a basis for his texts (so Clunies Ross 1998,
180; contra Wawn 2000, 18 who suggests that Resen did
employ the Codex Regius). With the addition of a text of
Snorri’s Edda, the Resen volume introduced Norse
mythological poetry to the world (Quinn and Clunies Ross
1994, 193).The first reference to this work in England
is in the Preface to Robert Sheringham’s De
Anglorum gentis origine disceptatio, published in
1670 (see Quinn and Clunies Ross 1994, 193 n. 12).
Moreover, a copy of Resen’s Edda was given to the
Bodleian Library in Oxford in the early 1670s. Aylett
Sammes seems to have been the first to translate part of
an eddic poem (the Loddfáfnir stanzas of Hávamál)
into English (Sammes 1676, 442ff), though his source was
Sheringham’s citation of these verses in Latin, rather
than Resen’s Old Norse text. The Swiss antiquarian Paul
Henri Mallet wrote a two volume account of early
Scandinavian beliefs and history in 1755 and 1766,
entitled Introduction à l’histoire de Dannemarc and
Monumens de la mythologieet de la poésie des Celtes.
Like many of his contemporaries, Mallet believed that
the Northern races were Celtic in origin, hence his
title. In his work Mallet summarized parts of
Völuspá, quoted from Hávamál in French translation, and
also reproduced the first few verses of Baldrs draumar
which had been published by the Danish scholar Thomas
Bartholin (Bartholin 1689). Mallet’s Introduction was
translated into English by Bishop Thomas Percy under the
title Northern Antiquities in 1770.Thus it was
primarily from Mallet and then from Percy that English
Romantic writers learned about Norse myth and heroic
legend. They made ‘versions’ of the Norse heroic poems
they found in the earlier works. Most notable was Thomas
Gray’s ‘The Descent of Odin’, expanding upon Mallet’s
excerpts from Baldrs draumar and the verses in
Bartholin (see Finlay in this volume). Gray published
this and his other Norse Ode in 1768 (Clunies Ross 1998,
105–09). Percy himself offered ‘Five Pieces of Runick
Poetry’ (Clunies Ross 2001) which were published in
1763. Although he was aware of the Resen versions of the
first two poems of the Codex Regius, Percy did not
include any of the texts normally considered part of the
Poetic Edda in his collection. In 1787 the Arnamagnæan
Commission in Copenhagen began to publish a fully edited
text of the Codex Regius and other eddic poems, at last
permitting proper scholarly study and translation of the
contents. The Copenhagen Edda reserved reediting
Völuspá and Hávamál to the third volume, on the grounds
that Resen had already provided texts of them (however
inadequate in terms both of textual soundness and of
scholarly apparatus). Volume I of the Copenhagen
Poetic Edda not onlyfurnished texts of the rest of the
mythological poetry of the Codex Regius, but also
provided a useful Latin apparatus. This, as Clunies Ross
puts it, was ‘user friendly for scholars who were
neither native speakers of Icelandic nor trained in Old
Norse studies’ (1998, 180–81). The possibility of
translating eddic verse into English from an Old Norse
original, with the help of a Latin translation and the
substantial Copenhagen glossary, now existed. This essay
considers the translations of Cottle (1797), Herbert
(1804, 1806, and 1842), Thorpe (1866), Vigfusson and
York Powell (1883), Bray (1908), Bellows (1926),
Hollander (1928), Terry (1969), Auden, Taylor, and Salus
(1969) as well as Larrington (1996), the expanded Auden
and Taylor (1981), and Dronke (1969, 1997).
1 This essay originates in a
talk given to the Viking Society Student Conference in
1997, before the publication of some substantial works
on thereception of the Poetic Edda in England in the
eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. It has been
extensively revised to take account of Clunies Ross 1998
and Wawn 2000.
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What is the Poetic Edda?
Translators are faced with choices
about what to include in their versions of the Poetic Edda even
before they begin to think about largertranslation principles.
For early translators such decisions were limited by the
availability of edited texts. Although neither of the terms
‘eddic’ and ‘eddaic’ was used in English until the middle of the
nineteenth century, ‘Edda’ is first used in James Macpherson’s
An Introduction to the History of Great Britain and Ireland
(1771, 180) referring most likely to Resen’s edition. Although
the core of eddic verse is the collection of poems from Völuspá
to Hamðismál contained in GKS 2365 4to, other poems in eddic
metre such as Hrafnagaldur Óðins, Sólarljóð or Svipdagsmál have
been included in editions and translations at varioustimes,
along with the now moreorless canonical Baldrs draumar,
Grottasöngr, Rígsþula and Hyndloljóð. Many fornaldarsögur
containverses in eddic metre (edited in Ranisch and Heusler,
1903). ‘The Waking of Angantýr’, the ‘Riddles of Gestumblindi’,
and ‘The Battle of the Goths and Huns’, all contained in
Hervarar saga ok Heiðreks, are oftencandidates for inclusion in
eddic translations. The obscure Hrafnagaldur Óðins appears in
Thorpe’s translation of 1866, but is generally excluded from the
canon thereafter, although Annette Lassen (2006) has recently
argued that it may indeed be a genuine (late) medieval poem.
Hollander asserts that Svipdagsmál is ‘undoubtedly genuine’,
though this view would by no means command universal agreement
(Hollander 1936, xv). No later translators include it in their
canon.*
*Larrington herself has now
included the poem in the 2014 revision of her Poetic Edda.
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Early Translations: Cottle and Herbert
Hrafnagaldur Óðins,
Vegtamskviða (an earlier name for Baldrs draumar),
Fjölsvinnsmál, and Hyndloljóð. Völuspá and Hávamál are
omitted, as they were from the first volume of the Copenhagen
Edda. Cottle attaches a substantial and learned introduction to
his translations; since he rightlyassumes that his readership
will be most familiar with Greek mythology he develops a lengthy
comparison between the Norse deities and the Greek pantheon.
Based on rather superficial resemblances, this results insome
surprising assertions for the modern scholar of Norse myth. Thus
Odin ‘appears to be the Northern Adonis. He was beloved by
Frigga, whorepresents Venus, and is killed at last by a Wolf, as
Adonis was by a boar’(Cottle 1797, xxiii). Likewise, ‘Lok may be
compared to the Apollo of the Grecians’ (Cottle 1797, xxiii).
Cottle provides very little discussionof his translation
methods, doubtless because of his ignorance of Old Norse. This
leads him into considerable error, most notably in Þrymskviða
(see below), but elsewhere too, where he proves incapable even
of translating the Latin accurately. William Herbert, who could
read Icelandic, knew Danish, and who offered the first part of
his Select Icelandic Poetry to the public in 1804, criticizes
the hapless Cottle without reservation: ‘Mr Cottle has
published, what he calls a translation of this ode, but itbears
little resemblance to the original. [...] Mr C. has not even
taken the trouble of understanding the Latin’ (Herbert 1842, I,
179; see also 180 and 193). Cottle’s Edda, like Herbert’s, does
not seem to have been widely circulated. In the preface to the
first volume of The Edda of Sæmund the Learned
(1866, I) Benjamin Thorpe notes ‘this work [Cottle’s] I have
never met with; nor have I seen any English version of any part
of the Edda, with the exception of Gray’s spirited but free
translation of the Vegtamskviða’ (Thorpe 1866, vii).
Notwithstanding Herbert’s justifiable criticism of his
predecessor’s accuracy, Cottle often achieves aromantic grandeur
in his versions of the poems.Herbert’s own versions of eddic
poetry were published piecemeal. Of what is now considered to be
the Poetic Edda corpus, Volume I of Select Icelandic
Poetry (1804) contained only Þrymskviða and a few verses of
Baldrs draumar. The second volume of 1806 added Helreið
Brynhildar and Skirnismál to the tally. In 1839 he translated
Sigurðarkviða in skamma and Atlakviða from volume II of the
Copenhagen Edda (seeClunies Ross 1998, 188). Völundarkviða
followed in 1840; all three new poems were included in
Horae Scandicae: Or, Works Relating to Old Scandinavian
Literature, the first volume of Herbert’s complete works,
published in 1842. Clunies Ross (1998, 183–202) gives a detailed
account of Herbert’s sources and assesses his relative success
in translating Þrymskviða and Helreið in Select Icelandic
Poetry. Herbert represents his translations as ‘closely
translated and unadorned; with a few exceptions they are
rendered line for line; and (I believe) as literally, as the
difference of language and metrical rules would permit’ (Herbert
1842,167), modestly averring, ‘the only merit I have aimed at,
is that of accuracy’ (1804, ix). As Clunies Ross shows (1998,
183–84), he amply persuades his reviewers of his mastery of
Icelandic language, even though he often goes considerably
beyond his source text, mostly in pursuit of a rhyme. Herbert
contrasts ‘the energetic harmony of these old poems:[...] the
most ancient are the simplest and most beautiful’, with skaldi
cverse, which he, like a number of other translators,
understands as younger than the Edda, ‘for the Icelandic poetry
degenerated into affectation of impenetrable obscurity and
extravagant metaphors’ (Herbert 1842, 167). Herbert also
composed poems based very loosely on Norse myth, such as Hedin
(from the Hjaðningavíg myth) and, from the Poetic Edda, The
Song of Vala, which was ‘freely imitated from a curious old poem
called Völospá hin skamre [sic], or the ancient Prophecy of
Vala, which forms part of the unpublished Edda’ (Herbert 1842,
147).
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Victorian Versions
The noted Anglo-Saxon scholar Benjamin Thorpe somewhat
diffidently issued the first volume of his translation of the
Poetic Edda in 1866, promising that ‘if a not unfavourable
reception is given it by the British public, the Second, or
Heroic part shall be immediately sent to press’ (Thorpe 1866, I
viii). The Edda of Sæmund the Learned was based on a German
edition (Lüning 1859; see Wawn 2000, 196–97) and includes the
mythological poems of the Codex Regius, plus Fjölsvinnsmál,
Rígsþula, Hyndloljóð, Gróugaldr, and Sólarljóð (a text which
Cottle had rejected on the grounds that it was ‘filled with
little else but the absurd superstitions of the Church of Rome’
(1797, xxix–xxx)). Thorpe’s work is largely accurate and
pleasingly simple; the translator modestly claims, ‘it had no
pretension to elegance; but I believe it to be a faithful though
homely representation of the original’ (Thorpe 1866, I viii).
Volume II did indeed follow later in the same year, after
positive reviews: ‘For not only has its reception been
favourable, but in the United States of America it has been
noticed in terms highly gratifying to the translator’ (1866, II
iii). To the Codex Regius heroic poems, Thorpe added Grottasöngr
and ‘Gunnars Slagr’ (1866, II 146–49), a poem preserved only in
paper manuscripts and translated from Rask’s edition published
in Stockholm (Rask 1818). Thorpe’s translations, often
surprisingly modern in tone, tend to esche w
archaism and Latinisms. Wawn (2000,196) suggests that Thorpe
appears to take some liberties in reordering the Icelandic text
when he translates some verses from Völuspá (Neckeland Kuhn
1962, vv. 45–46), an effect produced by the translator’s
faithful rendition of Lüning’s text. The German editor collates
lines from the Hauksbók and Codex Uppsaliensis manuscripts of
Völuspá with theCodex Regius text, producing a Norse version
that looks unfamiliar tothose used to the Copenhagen Edda
(Thorpe 1866, I 9; Lüning 1859,150–51). No other substantial
translations of the Edda appeared in the nineteenth century
except for Vigfusson and York Powell’s work in
Corpus Poeticum Boreale (1883), though the notable
Icelandic scholar Eiríkr Magnússon had his translation rejected
(Wawn 2000, 195, n. 65) and that of his compatriot Jón Hjaltalín
was never published (Wawn 2000,362). Eiríkr Magnússon and
William Morris did, however, offer some versions of those heroic
poems relevant to Völsunga saga in their1870 translation of that
work, The Story of the Volsungs and Niblungs, with certain songs
from the Elder Edda; these are the last part of
Helgakviða Hundingsbana II, the wisdom section of
Sigrdrífumál, Sigurðarkviða in skamma, Helreið Brynhildar,
Brot (rechristened Fragments of the Lay of Brynhild),
Guðrúnarkviða II, Atlakviða, Guðrúnarhvöt, and Hamðismál, with
the addition of Oddrúnargrátr,‘which we have translated on
account of its intrinsic merit’, the authors note (Magnússon and
Morris 1870, x). The authors make a close comparison between the
eddic poems and the content of the saga, noting of the episode
of Sigrún and Helgi in the burial mound: ‘for the the sake
of its wonderful beauty however, we could not refrain from
rendering it’(vii). The authors are aware that the material may
offer some difficulty, but exhort the reader to effort: we may
well trust the reader of poetic insight to break through
whatever entanglement of strange manners, [...] such a
reader will be intensely touchedby finding, amidst all its
wildness and remoteness, such startling realism, suchsubtilty,
such close sympathy with all the passions that may move himself
today (x–xi). Vigfusson and York Powell divide up the poems of
the Codex Regius according to their presumed chronology, their
hypothetical place of origin, and their supposed author, such as
‘the Western Aristophanes’, author of Lokasenna,
Hárbarðzljóð, and Skírnismál. Vigfusson and York Powell discuss
the principles of their prose translations, which run along the
bottom of the page of their edition, in the introduction to
volume I (cxiv–xvii). They maintain that the translation has no
pretension toliterary merit, but is merely a guide to assist
those who wish to read the poems ‘without having mastered the
tongues in which they are composed’ (cxiv). The enterprise is
not simple, despite its limited goals: for thetranslator must
render the different styles of the poets: ‘the legal phrases of
the Greenland Lay of Attila and the Euripidean softness of the
Gudrun lays are very far removed from the antique Homeric beauty
of the old Attila and Hamtheow Lays’ (cxv), they note; like
Cottle and Herbert before them they employ familiar parallels
from classical literature to characterize the Norse. The
sternest observations are reserved for the mere philologist who
becomes ‘a gerund grinding machine’ (cxv), who fails to immerse
himself in a detailed study of the ‘old life’ (cxiv) and thus
misses the literary qualities of the poems. Particularly
castigated are those translators of Norse who fall into ‘the
affectation of archaism, and the abuse of archaic Scottish,
pseudoMiddle English words’ (cxv), a criticism no doubt meant
for such enthusiasts as Eiríkr Magnússon and William Morris.
Though Vigfusson and York Powell have opted for ‘the real
meaning’ rather than ‘the poetical rendering’ they omit obscure
and obscene phrases, so as not to mislead or offend the reader.
Noteworthy, too, in this preface is the appeal to ‘Englishmen
and Americans to seek back for themselves into the Homeric age
of their forefathers’ (cxvii); like Thorpe, the two Oxford
scholars are well aware of the importance of the American
market.
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Twentieth Century Translations
The early twentieth century brought a small flurry of
eddic translations,with the first American versions appearing in
the 1920s. Olive Bray’s The Elder or Poetic Edda appeared in
1908, under the auspices of the Viking Club (later to become the
Viking Society). Bray was very conscious of the vivid visual
images which the mythological poems produced, and attributes
some translation difficulties to their interference:
For their style is so essentially graphic
without being descriptive that the more familiar we are with
their works, the more difficult does it seem to translate them
into words instead of colour and form (Bray 1908, i).
No wonder then that the edition is freely illustrated
with striking blackandwhite drawings by W. G. Collingwood. Bray
edits and translatesonly the mythological poetry of the Codex
Regius, plus the two Svipdagsmál poems; her introduction
captures the romantic aura whichthe Old North held for
enthusiasts of the Viking Club, at the same time asi t
apologizes for its unGreek qualities.
For mythology is itself a tangled
garden of thought unless it has undergone complete
transformation in the hands of the artist. It is nothing less
than the mind of the nation laid bare [.. .] all stamped by past
experience, but never blended into unity (vi).
Her translation aspires to literalness:
to satisfy truth and for fear of
doing injustice to the original, we have endeavoured to keep
the translation as literal as possible, though ambiguity inthe
original occasionally necessitates interpretation by a somewhat
freer rendering (i).
Quinn (1994, 120–22) discusses Bray’s edition in the
context of the activities and inquiring spirit of the Viking
Club in the early years of the twentieth century.
Bellows selected the poems of the Codex Regius, plus
Baldrs draumar, Hyndloljóð, and Svipdagsmál, for his
translation, noting Thorpe’s translation as ‘conspicuously
inadequate’, Vigfusson and York Powell’s as‘unsatisfactory’, but
praising Bray’s work as ‘excellent’ (Bellows 1926,xi). Published
by the American Scandinavian Foundation in 1923, Bellows’s was
the first American translation, offered with the hope that
greater familiarity with the chief
literary monuments of the North will help Americans to a better
understanding of Scandinavians and thus serve to stimulate their
sympathetic coöperation to good ends (Bellows 1926, facing title
page epigraph).
Bellows aimed to help scholars, and to
stimulate others to learn thelanguage, but, in keeping with the
aims of the Foundation, he ‘place[s] the hope that this English
version may give to some, who have known little of the ancient
traditions of what is after all their own race, a clearer
insight into the glories of that extraordinary past’.
Bellows implies areadership not simply of first
or secondgeneration immigrants fromScandinavia to North America,
but makes a larger assumption that the ‘glories’ are the
heritage of Anglo-Saxon and German Americans alike. Cord’s
foreword to a 1991 reprint praises the work in terms which have
not normally been employed since World War II:
the translator has overcome
formidable linguistic barriers as well as certaincultural
implications to convert the original Icelandic (Old Norse) poems
into verse forms in English that retain, and even project, the
essence of the original Teutonic ambience (Bellows 1991, i).
‘Teutonic ambience’, produced largely by archaic
diction, is preciselywhat most postwar translators try to
avoid—once, as Quinn notes, ‘the sinister potential of Aryan
ideologising had become evident’ (1994, 124).
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Hollander’s translation is still frequently
reprinted, the eleventh printing of the second revised edition
appearing as recently as 2004. Theselection is relatively
conservative, consisting of the Codex Regiuspoems, Hyndloljóð,
with Völuspá in skamma printed separately, Rígsþula,
Grottasöngr, and Baldrs draumar. Svipdagsmál is included, and
the Dvergatal of Völuspá is also dealt with separately
(Hollander 1936). Hollander notes that ‘still other lays of
Eddic quality’ exist, translated in an earlier volume (Hollander
1962, xv, n.). He is thoughtful about the problems of reflecting
the broad range of synonyms available in Norseand finds that
these can only be reproduced in English through recourseto
archaic equivalents, despite Vigfusson and York Powell’s
commentson this practice (see above): ‘I have, therefore,
unhesitatingly had recourse, whenever necessary, to terms fairly
common in English balladry, without, I hope overloading the page
with archaisms’ (Hollander1962, xxix).
Auden and Taylor’s influential selection of poems was
published in London in 1969, the same year that Patricia Terry’s
Poems of the Vikings appeared in Indianapolis. The introduction
to the first of these, written by Peter Salus and Paul Taylor,
explains metre and quantity and the details of Norse cosmology,
with a particular excursus onriddles and charms. No reflection
on translation practice, beyond questions of rhythm and caesura,
is offered, however, except for a warning of silent
rearrangement of stanzas in the case of Völuspá and
Hávamál. The volume is subtitled ‘A Selection’, and contains the
Codex Regiusmythological poems, Helreið Brynhildar and
Völundarkviða fromthe heroic poems, and, most unusually,
‘Innsteinnsljóð’ from Hálfs saga, as well as Eiríksmál and
‘The Waking of Angantýr’. Auden died in 1973; in 1981 Paul
Taylor reissued the 1969 volume with twentythree further
versions of eddic poetry by Auden (Auden and Taylor 1981). The
volume now included all the heroic poetry from the Codex Regius,
‘Hjálmar’s DeathSong’, ‘Hildebrand’s Death Song’,
‘Hlöðskviða’,the Riddles of Gestumblindi from Hervarar saga ok
Heiðreks, and Sólarljóð. Some poems, such as Atlamál,
Sigurðarkviða in skamma,and Grípisspá are scarcely versified,
but remain as stanzabystanza translations into prose; the other
additions are substantial poetic versions. Now that Auden is
dead, Taylor pays warm tribute to his qualities as poet in the
Foreword: ‘He went to the Icelandic itself. I gave him my
translations in the best poetic line I could manage, and he
turned that verbal and metrical disarray into poetic garb. The
product is his’ (Auden and Taylor 1981, x).
Terry translates all the Codex Regius poems, plus
Baldrs draumar, Grottasöngr, and ‘The Waking of Angantýr’;
Rígsþula and Hyndloljóð are rejected on the basis of inferior
quality. Terry notes the lyrical qualitiesof the poems, but
eschews imitation of the metre, beyond trying ‘to suggest, if
not reproduce the alliteration’ (Terry 1969, ix). She hopes to
avoid the pitfalls of Hollander’s diction: ‘Apart from such
embellishments (kennings), the language of the Edda is simple
and free from archaisms; I have tried to keep mine the same’
(Terry 1969, x). In the same year again, the first volume of
Ursula Dronke’s edition of the Poetic Edda was published
(Dronke 1969). This contained important facing page translations
of the last four heroic poems in the Codex Regius ( Atlakviða,
Atlamál, Guðrúnarhvöt, and Hamðismál). Volume II (1997)
contains Völuspá, Rígsþula, Völundarkviða, Lokasenna, and
Skírnismál. Auden may have looked at volume I. By 1969 he was
beginning to think about moving back to Oxford, and his former
college, Christ Church, where he indeed lived for the last year
of his life, was also the college of Gabriel TurvillePetre, then
Vigfusson Reader in Ancient Icelandic Literature and
Antiquities. It seems plausible that TurvillePetre would have
brought Dronke’s book to Auden’s attention. If he saw it,
though, he did not pay much attention to the commentary or
apparatus: he might otherwise have avoided such
misinterpretations as, for example, Guðrúnarhvöt st. 5,
which he takes as referring proleptically to the deaths of
Hamðir and Sörli, rather than back to the deaths of Erpr and
Eitill.
My translation appeared in 1996. I included all the
texts edited in Neckel and Kuhn 1962, except for ‘The Battle of
the Goths and Huns’, ‘Hildebrand’s DeathSong’, and some eddic
fragments, poems which would have demanded too much
contextualization and explanation to justify their
inclusion. Like Auden and Taylor, I made no statement about my
aims in the translation, beyond discussing metre. My implied
reader was the ordinary reader, the regular buyer of World’s
Classics translations, who did not need a translation which
reflected every subjunctive or plural for singular usage, but
who was interested primarily in the narrative and who would
appreciate the humour, grandeur, horror, and suspense of the
Norse originals.
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Translators and Style
In comparison with the ‘impenetrable obscurity’ of
skaldic verse, inHerbert’s phrase, the language of the
Poetic Edda is not particularly difficult to construe, although
there are a number of hapax legomena,
and some passages which are obscure in their reference or
damaged in transmission. The poems’ narratives
can be broadly understood with the help of Snorri (though of
course Snorri’s interpretations cannot be regarded as
definitive). There are few kennings or complex metaphors. Early
translators, as we have seen, were constrained by the serial and
slow publication of the three volumes of the Copenhagen Edda.
By thetime Thorpe came to make his version, the German
philological revolution meant that a better understanding of Old
Norse, and a scholarly edition with useful apparatus, were
available to him. Bellows uses Hildebrand’s 1876 edition,
revised by Gering in 1904, but consults the numerous
commentaries which had by then appeared. Hollander follows Bugge
(1867), while subsequent translators have used Neckel and Kuhn’s
fourth edition of 1962, with the additions outlined above.2 Once
the canon has been identified, the translator must decide which,
if any, verse form should be employed. Rhyming verse is favoured
by Cottle and Herbert; Cottle tends to expand each individual
Norse lineinto at least a couplet. Later translators prefer
longer or shorter lines of prose, sometimes arranged as verse,
or free verse, either imitating the halfline structure in
rhythmic terms, or expanding it further. They mustalso decide
how far the alliteration of the original is to be imitated.
Thiswill throw up the problem of the relative lack of synonyms
in English,and invites the use of Latinate words or archaisms to
fill the gap. The adoption of rhyming couplets is not always
successful. Cottle’s verse sometimes gives a nicely epigrammatic
turn to the eddic line: ‘Remember once your hand was bit / By
Fenrir in an angry fit’ (1797,163) perhaps trivialises Ls 38,
but there is some grandeur to the latter part of Skírnir’s curse
in Skm 36 (Cottle 1797, 95):
Mark the giant ! Mark him well!
Hear me his attendants tell!
Can’st thou with the fiends engage,
Madness, Impotence and Rage?
Thus thy torments I describe
The furies in my breast subside.
2. In the discussion which follows,
poem titles are abbreviated according to the scheme used in
Neckel and Kuhn 1962.
Internal rhyme can often be effective; Bray’s
‘quivering and shivering’in Þrk 1 is a striking example
(1908, 127). The temptation to reproduce exactly the Norse
alliteration may produce overemphatic lines: Auden and Taylor’s
‘broken to bits was the Brising necklace’ in Þrk 13 is
probably excessive, as well as going beyond the original (1969,
85). The list from Skm 36, in the original ergi, œði ok
óþola, produces a range of possible afflictions for Gerðr: from the
gloriously personified ‘Madness, Impotence and Rage’ of Cottle
(1797, 95), who fails to note that these are runic staves rather
than demonic powers, to the intensively alliterating ‘lechery,
loathing and lust’ in Hollander (1962, 72), wholoses the
implication of madness. Bellows gives ‘longing, madness,
andlust’ (1926, 118), Terry, ‘frenzy, lewdness and lust’ (1969,
59) while‘filth, frenzy and lust’ is the choice of Auden and
Taylor (1969, 123).Larrington’s ‘lewdness, frenzy and unbearable
desire’ makes explicit the connection of óþola to
its root, þola ‘to bear with or suffer’ (1996,67), as
does Dronke’s ‘lust’, ‘burning’ and ‘unbearable need’
(1997,384). Thorpe keeps the words in their Icelandic forms,
accentuating their strangeness by keeping the Icelandic
orthography: ‘ergi, and œði, andóþoli’ (Thorpe 1866, 83).
Bellows is particularly concerned with retaining the
rhythm of the different metres, the characteristics of which he
describes in detail (1926, xxiii–xxvi), an effort which Terry
explicitly eschews. Rhythm is a strong point of Auden and
Taylor’s work; their substantial discussion of it in the 1969
introduction perhaps reflects the keen ear of Auden as a
practising poet. Their version of the curse (Skm 35) has a
pounding, hypnotic beat (1969, 123):
Hrimgrimnir shall have you,
the hideous troll,
Beside the doors of the dead,
Under the treeroots ugly scullions
Pour you the piss of goats;
Nothing else shall you ever drink,
Never what you wish,
Ever what I wish.
I score trollrunes, then I score three letters,
Filth, frenzy, lust:
I can score them off as I score them on,
If I find sufficient cause.The greatest
temptation for the translator is to employ archaisms or
etymologize; for Cottle, Herbert, Thorpe, and Vigfusson,
‘thou’ and ‘thee naturally seem less archaic than they do to
twentieth century translators. Mær /mey encourages ‘maiden’ for
‘girl’ by assonance and alliteration. The late nineteenth
century brings a heightened philological awareness. Typical is
Magnússon and Morris’s rendition of Fm 66: ‘Seldom hath
hardy eld a faint heart youth’, or Fm 211: ‘Such as thy redes
are I will nowise do after them’ (Magnússon and Morris 1870, 61,
62). Vigfusson and York Powell, despite their scathing remarks
about the ‘mere philologist’, enthusiastically render Norse
words with their English cognates, or coin philologically
possible but unattested words, e.g .‘Anses’ for Æsir, and
‘Ansesses’ for Ásynjor, ‘Tew’ for Týr, ‘Eager’ for Ægir, and
Woden instead of Óðinn, as well as ‘bearsarks’; a spelling which
commits them to a particular understanding of the ferocious
warriors’ behaviour. They also use ‘methinks’ and ‘wight’. Bray
has the archaic ‘ye’, as well as ‘ween’, ‘olden’, ‘twain’, the
dialectal ‘bairns’, and not only ‘Wanes’ for Vanir, but the not
entirely happy ‘Wanelings’ for vaningja. Hollander’s
literalism and etymologizing instinct brings ‘fain’,‘I ween’,
and ‘I wot’, as well as lines such as ‘if I wend with thee to
the world of etins’; Bellows has ‘methinks’, ‘fare’ for
‘journey’, and ‘doth’, though he has few other ‘th’ endings in
the present third person singular. Dronke generally captures a
modernsounding idiom, though thedemands of alliteration produce
the obscure ‘Bayard and bracelets’ for iós ok armbauga
in Ls 13, more prosaically ‘horse and armrings’ (1997,336).
Bayard is a generic Middle English term for a wellbred horse.
Even Auden and Taylor, whose translations usually sound
reasonably contemporary, employ ‘thurse’, ‘maids’, ‘mighty the
wed’, and refer to ‘garths’, ‘Vanes’ (for Vanir), and ‘orcs’.
The latter may likely be ascribed to Tolkien’s influence—the
volume is dedicated to him. ‘Busk yourself Freyia’ demands Loki
in Auden and Taylor, recalling Herbert’s ‘Now, Freyia, busk, as
a blooming bride’ (Herbert 1842, 176)—a usage which even in 1804
occasioned an explanatory note.
The problem of synonyms, if not solved by archaisms,
leads to a repetition of ‘warrior’, ‘fighter’, ‘hero’ which is
almost unavoidable. Theetymological attraction of ‘mare’ for
marr ‘horse’ in Auden and Taylorputs Skírnir on an animal whose
connotations of effeminacy shouldhave given Auden’s expert
advisers pause for thought; ‘mare’ is frequently used elsewhere
in their translations. Fighting, of which there isa great
deal, entails ‘smiting’, ‘slaying’, and ‘felling’ in Thorpe,
Vigfussonand York Powell, Bray, Bellows, and Hollander; Terry
prefers ‘strike’and ‘lay low’, while Auden and Taylor alternate
between ‘fell’, ‘kill’,and ‘lay low’. I used ‘strike’, ‘batter’,
and ‘kill’; ‘batter’ may be toocolloquial and perhaps not
forceful enough.
Cottle shows no sensitivity to the question of the
appropriateness of Latinate or Romance diction: Þrymr’s sister,
for example, becomes a ‘sordid dame’. Herbert makes a point of
avoiding Latin derived words where he can, though he
etymologizes freely in his Introduction. Failing to identify the
‘Thursar’ as giants, he connects them with Turks, Tuscans, thus
(Latin, ‘incense’), and, splendidly, those ‘murderous immolators
of the East’, the Thugs (1842, 187, n.). As a philologist Thorpe
is aware that Latinisms are not appropriate, but he fails to
avoid ‘compotation’ and ‘celestial’ in Hym 1 and uses such
terminology as ‘Fafnicide’ and ‘altercation’ in poem titles; the
jingle of ‘Œgir’s Compotation, or: Loki’s Altercation’ must
indeed have been hard to resist for Lokasenna. There is less
Latinism in twentieth century translation, though Dronke has
‘itemize’ for telia ‘reckon up’ in Ls 28 (1997, 339);
the frequently repeated charge against Loki in this poem that he
is œrr ‘mad’, she
renders as ‘lunatic’.
The language of romance is also difficult: women and
girls become‘damsels’, ‘wenches’, ‘that fair’, or the rather
uncourtly ‘lass’ in Thorpe.Auden and Taylor have ‘maids’, and
Terry ‘maidens’; I tried to keep the maidens out, preferring
‘girl’. The sexual encounter in Hrbl 30 iseuphemized into
‘sweet colloquy’ (Cottle 1797, 116), ‘trysting’ (Bray1908, 193),
‘dallied’ (Thorpe 1866, 76), or ‘granted me joy’ (Bellows1926,
131). The same verse’s línhvít ‘linenwhite’ is
assimilated to midVictorian ideas of decorum in descriptions of
female beauty by Thorpe in ‘lilyfair’; Bray gives ‘linenfair’,
potentially rather puzzling; Hollander loses the comparison by
glossing ‘white-armed’, followed by Terry, while Vigfusson and
York Powell, Bellows, Auden and Taylor, and Larrington stick to
the literal ‘linenwhite’. Sex willalways raise difficulties;
incestuous sex is even trickier. When Freyja isaccused of having
sex with her brother in Ls 32, Cottle completely misunderstands
the charge, suggesting that Freyja has orchestrated
‘mortal strife’ against her brother (1797, 160). Thorpe coyly
gives ‘against thybrother the gentle powers excited’ (1866, 95),
while Vigfusson obscuresLoki’s words with an ellipsis (1883,
105). Hollander converts Loki’s charge that Freyja is a witch
( fordæða ) into the accusation that she is a whore (1962, 97);
Bray has the gods find her ‘at thy brother’s’ as if she were
merely visiting for tea and has her ‘frightened’ rather than
farting (1908, 257). The fart that results when Freyja is
discovered in flagrante with her brother is first noted by
Bellows (1926, 162): ‘Freyja her windset free’; Hollander is the
first to translate the fart directly.
Scatology predictably causes problems. Skm 35’s
geita hland is
‘urine of the unsav’ry goat’ for Cottle (1797, 95); ‘foul
beverage from the goats’ is Herbert’s version (1842, 201).
Thorpe gives ‘goat’s water’ (1866, 83); Vigfusson and York
Powell omit the phrase. Bray’s ‘foul water of goats’ (1908,
151), like Herbert’s and Thorpe’s term, leaves it unclear as to
whether the liquid is leftover goats’ drinking water.
Hollander’s impressive ‘staling of stinking goats’ depends on
the reader recognizing the archaic ‘staling’ (1962, 72).
Bellows’s ‘horns of filth’ misses the link with Heiðrún, the
mead-giving goat of Valhöll (1926, 118). By the sixties ‘piss’
becomes possible; thus Terry (169, 59), Auden and Taylor (1969,
123), and Larrington (1996, 66); Dronke has the politer
‘goat’surine’ (1997, 384).
The daughters of Hymir (probably personifications of
the mountain rivers flowing into the sea) are mentioned in
Loki’s insult in Ls 34 as urinating in Njörðr’s mouth. This
proves too much for Cottle: ‘The sentiments and expressions of
this and the following verse would not admit with propriety of
an English version’ (1797, 161). Thorpe gives the mysterious
‘had thee for a utensil’ and apologizes: ‘the events related
inthis strophe are probably a mere perversion, by the poet, of
what we know of Niörd’s history’ (1866, I 96); Vigfusson employs
an ellipsis; Bray’s ‘used thee as trough for their floods’ is
rather vague (1908, 259), while Hollander’s ‘pot’ and ‘midden’
suggests a product which is toosolid (1962, 97); Bellows’s
‘privy’ is more to the point (1926, 63). Terry (1969, 81) and
Auden and Taylor (1969, 138) have the coy ‘made water in your
mouth’ while Larrington gives a perhaps dysphemic ‘pisspot’and
‘pissed’ (1996, 90); Dronke has the etymologically related ‘piss
trough’, but also ‘made water into your mouth’ (1997, 340).
Insult is hard too: Hrbl 49’s
halr inn hugblauði is literally if
unimaginatively rendered ‘shameless coward’ and ‘coward’ by
Auden and Taylor(1969, 131), and Larrington (1996, 49),
respectively. Bellows’s ‘witlessman’ loses the connection with
courage (1926, 135); Terry’s ‘fainthearted fellow’ (1969, 66)
is, like Bray’s ‘faint heart’ (1908, 197), perhaps not strong
enough. It is the older translators who excel here: Hollander’s
‘craven knave’ (1962, 81) and Thorpe’s ‘dastardly varlet’ (1866,
77)with their internal rhymes, or Cottle’s marvellous, if very
free ‘infernal caitiff, wretch absurd!’ (1797, 121).
Some translators seize the opportunity for a
witty idiomatic rendering.In Þrk 32 Þrymr’s sister, who
has expected goodwill gifts from her newsisterinlaw, receives a
blow from Mjöllnir, Þórr’s hammer, instead. Honscell um
hlaut fyr scillinga tempts some translators to try to
reproduce the jingle of scell and scillinga.
Vigfusson and York Powell do rather well with ‘she got a pound
instead of pence’ (1883, 180); Thorpe’s ‘she a blow got instead
of skillings’ is confused by the archaism (1866, 66). Bray and
Bellows combine ‘stroke’ and ‘shillings’ for a near alliterative
effect, but suggesting perhaps a friendly pat on the head (1908,
137;1926, 182). Hollander has ‘shock’ and ‘shillings’ (1962,
108). ‘Blow’ and ‘money’ in Terry (1969, 92) and ‘blow’ and
‘gold’ in Auden and Taylor (1969, 88) miss the pun, which I
tried to render with ‘striking’ and ‘shillings’ (1996, 101). Now
that ‘shillings’ are no longer current,the joke will probably
disappear.
Though a relatively simple poem in terms of lexis,
Þrymskviða provides a range of challenges to the translator. In
the first stanza there ismuch emphasis on Þórr’s hair and beard;
the mysterious loss of his hammer is experienced by the god as
uncanny and literally hairraising in itsimplications: scegg nam
at hrista, scör nam at dýia. Cottle’s version is,as ever, over
the top: ‘From his heaving breast uprear’d, / Gusty whirlwinds
shake his beard’ (1797, 179). Bray’s ‘quivering and
shivering’(1908, 127), as noted above, is effective, while
Hollander’s ‘shaggy headgan shake’ suggests a certain wobbliness
(1962, 104). Bellows (1926,174–75) and Terry (1969, 88)
understand the implications, but Audenand Taylor’s ‘tossed his
red locks’, not only makes Þórr sound a little petulant, it also
imports the idea of redness, which is attested only for Þórr’s
beard (1969, 84). In stanza 13, problems of divine dignity are
encountered. That Freyja is angry ( reið ) at the suggestion
that she should go to Jötunheimr to marry Þrymr produces ‘wrath’
in Herbert, Thorpe, and Vigfusson and York Powell (1842, 176;
1866, 63; 1883, 177); Cottle as usual expands mightily: ‘Passion
in Freya’s cheek glowed hot / Cold tremors thro’ her bosom shot’
(1797, 184). Freyja’s undignified snorting (fnásaði) is
first recognized by Vigfusson and York Powell. Bray has her
panting (1908, 131), while Hollander (1962, 106) reports that
she ‘foamed with rage’ (perhaps even less dignified than
snorting). When Freyja refuses on the grounds that going to
Jötunheimr would prove her to be vergjarnasta ‘most
eager for men’, Cottle (1797, 185) falls into the startling
error of having her agree to the journey, a consent which, as
Herbert tartly remarks, ‘destroys the sense of all that follows’
(1842,180). Herbert himself settles on ‘wanton bride’ as a
translation (1842,176), while Thorpe gives ‘lewedest’ (1866,
64). Vigfusson and York Powell have the literal ‘man maddest’
(1883, 178), varied by Hollander as ‘most mad after men’ (1962,
106). Bray’s ‘most wanton’ and Bellows’s ‘most lustful’ are
quite neutral (1908, 131; 1926, 177). Terry(1969, 90) spells out
‘I’ll have gone mad with hunger for men’, while Auden and Taylor
(1969, 85) too directly make Freyja a ‘whore’, losing the
superlative which is an important part of the comedy, for Freyja
fearsto prove herself an outstanding example of what she already
is. My own ‘most sex-crazed of women’, I now think likely to
date (1996, 98).
Thus far I have mostly considered the mythological
poetry, since theearliest translators were most interested in
the mythological parallels with the Greek. Particular interest
in the heroic poetry was probably kindled by the work of
Magnússon and Morris, reinforced no doubt bythe first
performance of Wagner’s Ring Cycle in London in May 1882. Itis
interesting to compare the versions of Magnússon and Morris,
Auden’s1981 texts and Dronke’s translations of the last four
heroic poems. TheVictorian translators strive more for effect
than for clarity; Auden is oddly literal and unpoetic in these
last versions, while Dronke veryoften finds the mot juste,
creating a series of images which are coherent in their
implications. Space permits only one example: three versions of
Hm 20, chronicling the arrogant reaction of Jörmunrekkr to the
news that Hamðir and Sörli have arrived at his hall. The verse
lists a sequence of the king’s self conscious actions (Neckel
and Kuhn 1962, 272):
Hló þá Iörmunreccr, hendi drap á kampa,
beiddiz at bröngo, böðvaðiz at víni;
scóc hann scör iarpa, sá á sciöld hvítan,
lét hann sér í hendi hvarfa ker gullit.
Loud Jormunrek laughed,
And laid hand to his beard,
Nor bade bring his byrny,
But with the wine fighting,
Shook his red locks,
On his white shield sat staring,
And in his hand
Swung the gold cup on high
(Magnússon and Morris 1870, 255–56).
Then Iörmunrekkr laughed,
with his hand stroked his whiskers,
spurred himself to wildness,
grew battlesome over his wine,
flung back his brown hair,
glanced at his white shield,
made the golden cup
swing in his hand.(Dronke 1969, 165).
The stouthearted king stroked his beard,
And laughed grimly, aggressive from wine;
He shook his locks, looked at his shield,
And twirled the golden goblet he held.
(Auden and Taylor 1981, 142).
Magnússon and Morris add elements not present in the
Norse: loudness of laughter, a byrnie, redness to the hair; they
muddy the relationshipbetween the wine and the fighting and
break the rhythm of the series of speedy actions by making
Jörmunrekkr sit and stare, as if preoccupied, at his shield,
while at the same time he swings his cup. Dronke nicely captures
the studiedness of Jörmunrekkr’s behaviour without recourseto
archaism, except perhaps in ‘battlesome’; the lexis is simple:
‘cup’, ‘brown’, ‘white’. The ‘whiskers’, a description of facial
hair which at the same time evokes an alert animal, is better
than ‘beard’. She keeps the swiftness of the successive gestures
with ‘glance’, suggesting a fleeting awareness that he may
indeed have to fight in person, and making the cup
casually ‘swing in the hand’ underlines the self consciousness
of the king, the focus of all attention in the hall. Auden’s
‘stout hearted’, there for the alliteration, is too conventional
to be effective; though ‘aggressive’ captures the sense of
böðvaðiz quite well and echoes ‘grimly’, it lacks the
element of working himself up to fury which the Norse reflexives
convey, and which Dronke retains in ‘spurred himself’. ‘Locks’
again alliterates, but at the cost of archaism; the series of
colours, ‘brown’, ‘white’, ‘golden’, is lost, and the
‘twirling’, thoughstudiedly negligent, seems rather dainty for
the leader of the Goths. Comparing the three verses shows the
compromises in subtlety which faithfulness to alliteration can
demand; Magnússon and Morris lack theprecision which Dronke
manages, though they have a strong sense of rhythm—perhaps
stronger than Auden’s here.
Beyond problems of tone and diction, translators must
decide what to do with Norse names, whether occurring singly or
in the great lists of Grímnismál or the Dvergatal of Völuspá,
the varying status of which, as Quinn comments, ‘has the dwarfs
being marched in and out of the poem throughout the last hundred
or so years’ (1994, 127). Some translators,such as Thorpe and
Terry, keep the Grímnismál catalogue in its Norse form;
Vigfusson and York Powell make a start on listing the names
instanza 46, then abandon the list with ‘etc’. Auden and Taylor
and I chose to mix the translation of the more perspicuous names
with the retention in the original form of those whose meaning
is obscure. Hollander (1962,xxix) comments sagely that the
matter
presents a knotty problem to the translator. [...] I
do not hesitate to say that onthe translator’s tact and skill in
meeting this problem—for dodge it he cannot—will depend in large
measure the artistic merit of his work and its modicum of
palatableness to the modern reader.
Dronke gamely translates all the dwarf names of
Völuspá, in places guessing at possible etymologies, so that
Nóri becomes ‘Shipper’. Ingeniously she manages to keep some of
the internal rhymes: Skirvir and Virvir become ‘Joiner’ and
‘Groiner’, though this also results in ‘Trembler’ and ‘Trumbler’
(a nonce word) for Bivörr and Bavörr (1997, 9–11). The
replacement of unfamiliar with familiar name forms can have
unfortunate, even hilarious, results. Quinn has noted the
unaccountable decisionof Auden and Taylor to begin their version
of Völuspá by rechristening the seiðkona Heiðr with
the name of the Swiss goatgirl Heidi (Quinn1994, 128).
Translators have also to make decisions about the
fidelity with whichthey render word order. The Norse case system
allows inversion of subject and object as modern
English does not; confusion can sometimes arise when the Norse
syntax is imitated too literally. Thorpe keeps the Norse word
order for the final line of Þrymskviða quite successfully: ‘So
got Odin’s son his hammer back’ (1866, 66), but Hollander’s
‘Laughed Hlórrithi’s heart within him / when the hammer beheld
the hardy one ’runs the risk of personifying Miöllnir (1962,
108). Vigfusson and York Powell opt for ‘This is how Woden’s son
got back his Hammer’ (1883,180). Terry keeps the inversion but
makes it sound natural, ‘That’s how the hammer came back to
Thor’s hands’ (1969, 92). ‘Thus Thor came to recover his hammer’
(Auden and Taylor 1969, 88) alliterates, where Larrington ‘So
Odin’s son got the hammer back’ is strictly literal (1996, 101).
Understanding of Norse religious practices tests
translators, nowhere more than in Hym 1, a truly difficult
verse for those who have not immersed themselves in ‘the old
life’ as Vigfusson and York Powell call it (1883, cxiv). Cottle
has the gods examining entrails like classical soothsayers,
‘Till the teeming entrails tell, / Truth divin’d by mistic
spell’(1797, 127). Thorpe’s bald ‘rods they shook’ leaves the
divination highly mysterious and he fails to register that Ægir
does have some kettles (1866, 56). Vigfusson and York Powell’s
‘they cast the divining rods, and inspected the blood’ (1883,
220), and Bray’s ‘they shook divining twigs, scanned the
blooddrops’ (1908, 113) make the process admirably clear, though
Bray’s vision of the gods eating ‘dainties’ seems rather
effetely delicate. Hollander’s ‘on wassail bent their wands they
shook’ complicates by use of archaism (1962, 83), while
Bellows’s ‘blood theytried’ makes it sound as if the gods are
drinking the substance (1926,139), as does Auden and Taylor’s
‘relished blood’ (1969, 89). The latter also elaborate the
divination twigs as rune carving on wood, which is not what the
text says. Terry’s ‘by shaking small branches, steeped in blood’
may be overexplanatory, but her translation is probably clearer
than mine: ‘they shook the twigs and looked at the augury’
(1996, 78).The translator’s task will always be fraught with
anxieties. ‘At best his version is to the original as the thin,
muffled, meagre, telephone endering is to the full rich tones
which it transmits, faithfully, it is true, but with what a
difference to the hearer!’ exclaim Vigfusson and York Powell
(1883, cxvi). Translations are not for all time, but simply for
their own particular age, ‘a stopgap until made to give place to
a worthier work’ as Thorpe modestly observes (1866, I viii).
Translators ought to articulate to themselves and to their
readers what prejudices and predilections they bring to the
project. As a teacher of Old Norse, I felt clarity was more
important than poetic effect in my translation, though every now
and again I rewarded myself with a little jeu d’esprit.
It is bothsalutary and educational to read earlier versions:
translators generally hope that their versions will stand the
test of time, but through their ideas of appropriate diction,
whether the lofty Latinisms of Cottle’s late eighteenth century
Gothic, the more subdued romanticism of Herbert, the simplicity
of Thorpe, the coyness of Bray, the ‘Teutonic ambience’ of
Bellows, the archaisms of Hollander in pursuit of his sound
effects, the free additions in Auden and Taylor, and the
occasional jaunty sixties note of Terry, each translator
inevitably imparts a flavour of the contemporary.
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